The International Journal of China Studies is a biannual academic journal focusing on contemporary China in issues pertaining to the fields of political, social and economic development, trade and commerce, foreign relations, regional security and other domains of the social sciences in the context of, more specifically, today’s Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong or Macau. The journal is abstracted/indexed in Scopus, International Political Science Abstracts, International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, Bibliography of Asian Studies, EconLit, eJEL, JEL on CD, Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Ulrichsweb Global Serials Directory, Reference Corporation’s Asia-Pacific Database, ProQuest Political Science and Research Library, ABI/INFORM Complete, ABI/INFORM Global, PAIS (Public Affairs Information Service) International, CSA (formerly Cambridge Scientific Abstracts) Worldwide Political Science Abstracts and NLB’s ISI (Index to Singapore Information). ISSN : 2180-3250 Publisher : Institute of China Studies, Universiti Malaya Publication Type : Online Publication frequency: 2 time(s) per year (June and December) Peer Review : Double Blind
Institute of China Studies, Universiti Malaya
Book Review - Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo. The New Politics of Beijing-Hong Kong Relations: Ideological Conflicts and Factionalism
In this cutting-edge and exceptional book on Beijing-Hong Kong relations, Sonny Lo provides a comprehensive and up-to-date analysis of Beijing-Hong Kong relations, particularly in the post-national security law era. Moreover, this book understands the alterations in Hong Kong’s political landscape over the last two decades from both perspectives of Beijing and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) governments, as well as Hong Kong democrats and localists.
The New Frontier of Exploitation: Human Trafficking for Online Scams in Taiwan
Human trafficking in Taiwan has taken on new dimensions with the rise of technology-driven crimes. In 2022 alone, hundreds of Taiwanese victims were rescued from trafficking syndicates that exploited them in online scamming networks operating both within Taiwan and across Asia. Victims of other nationalities have also been found trapped in Taiwan’s scam industries, highlighting the country’s dual role as a source and destination for trafficking. This shift demonstrates that trafficking no longer revolves solely around forced labour or sexual exploitation but increasingly involves coercion into digital fraud, a criminal economy generating trillions of dollars globally. The significance of this study lies in situating Taiwan at the centre of an evolving global trafficking trend, where online scams represent a new frontier of exploitation with profound security, legal, and human rights implications. Accordingly, this paper has three objectives: to explore the operations of human trafficking in Taiwan for online scams; to examine the challenges faced by the Taiwanese government in combating these crimes; and to analyse the government’s responses in combating human trafficking for online scamming.
Assessing the Features of Propaganda and Thought Work in Post-Trust China
The Belt and Road Initiative in Malaysia: Progress, Impacts and Challenges
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched by China in 2013, is an extensive infrastructure programme aimed at enhancing connectivity in areas such as policy coordination, infrastructure, trade, finance and peopleto-people relations. Among Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia, particularly during the tenure of former Prime Minister Najib Razak, demonstrated strong support for the BRI. Various projects have been implemented across multiple sectors, including infrastructure development, energy, industrial parks, construction, real estate, telecommunications, technology, finance, banking and tourism. However, when Mahathir Mohamad returned to power in 2018, he adopted a more cautious stance towards Chinese investments, opting to review and renegotiate key BRI projects to ease Malaysia’s financial strain. The administrations of Muhyiddin Yassin and Ismail Sabri focused primarily on handling the COVID-19 pandemic and economic recovery, allowing most BRI projects to continue without interruption, a trend that has persisted under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Although Malaysia’s overall approach to China remains consistent, the country’s frequent changes in government—four administrations in five years—have resulted in varied responses and shifting priorities regarding BRI projects. This study examines the progress, impacts and challenges of these projects. The findings reveal that most BRI projects in Malaysia are advancing smoothly despite political changes. Impacts range from high costs toconcerns over autonomy and policy space, while challenges include reducing dependence on China and increasing diversification to maintain active neutrality.
Does Foreign Ownership from China and Hong Kong Decrease Investment Efficiency of Malaysia Firms? An Empirical Investigation
Foreign investment is becoming increasingly significant in emerging economies, but its effect on efficiency of domestic firms remains ambiguous. In Malaysia, foreign ownership is subject to regulatory restrictions and institutional frameworks. It remains unclear, however, whether foreign investors contribute to efficient capital allocation. Therefore, this study conducted an in-depth analysis on 455 public listed Malaysian firms, specifically on the relationship between foreign ownership and firm-level capital allocations, captured by sensitivity of investment expenditure to investment opportunities (investment-Q sensitivity). The findings indicate that foreign ownership has no significant impact on investment efficiency, and this is consistent across different ownership intervals. Nevertheless, the effect of foreign ownership varies by country of origin. Investments from Japan, Singapore and Western countries have had no significant impact on investment efficiency, while those from China and Hong Kong are associated with significant reduction. The findings, hence, suggest the importance of investor origin and fit when formulating investment policies and designing governance frameworks to facilitate efficient capital allocation.
China’s Energy Sector and the Search for Structural Power
Literature on China’s power lacks a structural power perspective regarding the energy sector. This study addresses this gap by posing the research question: Has the internationalisation of national energy companies enhanced China’s structural power in the energy sector? Using a qualitative case study, structural power is examined in relation to the international efforts of the five leading Chinese state-owned enterprises in China’s outward foreign direct investment. Underpinned by Pustovitovskij and Kremer’s operationalisation of structural power, the empirical analysis encompasses the most relevant energy subsectors. The findings reveal a sharp contrast between subsectors: while Chinese national oil and gas companies, as late entrants, face technological lag, China’s early, large-scale investments in power and renewables have secured market dominance and the ability to set global standards for green energy technologies. These advancements have directly enhanced China’s structural power. The adverse reactions of major competitors to China’s growing influence in energy geopolitics reinforce this conclusion.
Labour-Use Efficiency in China: A Stochastic Frontier Analysis
Using panel data and applying the stochastic frontier analysis, this paper investigates the labor-use efficiency of 24 provinces/administrative regions of China between 2011 and 2019. The average labor efficiency relative to the most efficient province was 86.1 per cent, whereas Tianjin, followed by Shanghai, was the most efficient province (100 per cent and 95.2 per cent, respectively). We find a potential for reducing labor demand by up to 13.9 per cent across all provinces. At the same time, Guangdong is the least efficient province and could improve its labor efficiency by about 19.5 per cent. In addition, the paper studies labor elasticity and marginal risk with respect to output, capital, wage, and time.
China's Assertiveness and the Indo-Pacific Response: Australia's Strategic Calculus
After decades of economic success and relative political stability at home, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has become confident in its government model, particularly in the wake of its successful navigation of the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. The Party's growing confidence in China's rise and its grip on power has fuelled a more assertive foreign policy on the global stage. This article contends that China's global assertiveness - as experienced and responded by Australia - if taken too far, could ultimately weaken the Party at home. This is because the Party's economic sucesses have been a result of the PRC's successful integration into the world economy and maintenance of harmonious trade relations with the world's major economies.
Book Review - Tom Miller, China’s Asian Dream: Empire Building along the New Silk Road
Tom Miller, China’s Asian Dream: Empire Building along the New Silk Road, London: Zed Books, 2017; xii + 292 pages with bibliography and index. ISBN 978-1-78360-923-9 (paperback)
China-Zimbabwe Trade Relations in the 21st Century: An Analysis of the Trends, Patterns and Prospects
trade relations for the 16 years between years 2000 and 2016. The essence is to establish the direction of trade, trade intensity and trade composition of Zimbabwe-China trade as well as present a comparative analysis and assessment of the share of Zimbabwe-China trade vis-à-vis other trade partners. The study uses both primary and secondary data sources for analysis. The findings point to the fact that although Zimbabwe enjoyed a positive balance for the years preceding 2005, the country has since been recording widening trade deficits in its trade with China. With regard to trade intensity, the study reveals that on average, Zimbabwe’s trade with China accounts for less than 5 per cent of Zimbabwe’s trade with other African countries and the Rest of the World (RoW). In respect of trade composition, the study further found out that whilst Zimbabwean exports to China are largely dominated by the exportation of low value semi-processed and/or non-processed mining and agricultural commodities, China mainly exports high-end manufactures and consumer goods to Zimbabwe. As part of its recommendations, the study proposes the adoption of import regulation measures, exportoriented industrialization, establishment of China-Africa industrial capacity cooperation, and investment in manufacturing and industrial processing plants.
Rethinking the Logic of Beijing’s Divided Rules Policy toward Hong Kong and Taiwan: A Constructivist Explanation
The dynamic relations between mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan over the past few decades have attracted many scholars to explain and predict this interesting phenomenon using various theoretical approaches. Economic integration theory has received the most academic attention, anticipating that economic interdependence will generate a spillover effect on political integration. However, political reality has illustrated the inadequate explanatory power of this theory. Based on this understanding, the present article develops a new analytical framework derived from the revised social constructivism and argues that Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong and Taiwan is a mixed strategy incorporating three dimensions, namely force, interest and legitimacy; this is labelled the ‘divided rules policy’. These three dimensions are working simultaneously and compatibly with different emphases, depending on Beijing’s assessment and judgement on the specific political situation in Hong Kong and Taiwan. To elaborate Beijing’s policy logic in realpolitik, this article considers two critical turning points that occurred in Hong Kong and Taiwan, the Hong Kong White Paper and 31 Measures, as case studies, and it predicts that the relations of mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan will grow tighter than they were before.
The 1990s Chinese Debates Concerning the Causes for the Collapse of the Soviet Union among PRC Soviet-watchers: The Cases of Brezhnev and Stalin
The breakup of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1991 has had a profound impact on China. The Soviet dissolution has had a variety of significant repercussions on Chinese politics, foreign policy, and other aspects. However, many myths about post-1991 Chinese research on the Soviet Union have been circulated and perpetuated by a body of secondary literature written by Western scholars. Some issues have been unclear or misunderstood in previous studies, and one of these inaccuracies has to do with Chinese perceptions of the role of the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. A number of the secondary sources argue that, after 1991, because of their impact on China’s 1989 pro-democracy movements as perceived by the Chinese communist regime, most Chinese Soviet-watchers considered Gorbachev and his liberalization to be the fundamental catalysts in triggering the collapse of the Soviet Union. The literature seems to agree that those Chinese scholars were univocal in assessing Gorbachev’s individual actions and failings, and that they overstated the implications of Gorbachev and his liberal programs for China. This research reveals that since the mid-1990s, many Chinese Sovietwatchers have traced the roots of the tragedy back to the administrations of Leonid Brezhnev and Joseph Stalin, arguing that the conservative forces and the rigid communist system were the decisive factors in bringing it about – rather than the figure of Gorbachev alone. Their writings confirmed and legitimized the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s post-Tiananmen agendas of pposing leftism and saving Chinese socialism by speeding up the reform and open door policy. By depicting that Brezhnev’s stagnation and Stalin’s rigid centralization as the primary causes of the collapse, their writings suggested that state legitimacy comes more from economic results than democratic politics. They justified that economic prosperity, not political reform, which is the reigning principle for the survival of Chinese socialism after the fall of the Soviet Union.
Copyright (c) 2018 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES
Developing Social Science-based Chinese Studies in East Asia: Geopolitics, Discipline, Knowledge
For its neighbouring countries in East Asia, China has always played a vital role not only in politics, economics, trade, and cultural exchanges, but also in the development of the discipline of Chinese Studies. This paper, focussing particularly on social science studies on China, explores how geopolitical contexts play a significant role in constructing Chinese Studies as a discipline in Japan and South Korea. This study primarily argues that geopolitics influence both the development of Chinese Studies and its intellectual cohorts. This paper further argues that the field of Chinese Studies generates knowledge not only for scholars within the university domain, but also for public audiences in the non-academic public domain.
Book Review - Eva Dou, The Secret History of China’s Most Powerful Company: House of Huawei
Eva Dou, The Secret History of China’s Most Powerful Company: House of Huawei, Penguin Random House, 2025, 406 pages. ISBN 9780593544631.
Book Review - Po-Shek Fu. Hong Kong Media and Asia’s Cold War
Po-Shek Fu. Hong Kong Media and Asia’s Cold War. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023. 256 Pages. ISBN: 9780190073770.
The Decline of Shipbuilding and Maritime Capabilities in Vietnam and its Dependence on China’s Qing Dynasty During the Tự Đức Era (1848–1883)
During the early Nguyễn Dynasty, Vietnam prioritized the development of its shipbuilding industry, constructing numerous vessels for water transportation and coastal defence. However, during Emperor Tự Đức’s reign (1848–1883), worsening internal and external crises, coupled with an increasingly depleted treasury, led to a severe decline in shipbuilding capacity. The number of ships dwindled, while existing large vessels and imported steamships fell into disrepair. Coastal shipping capabilities deteriorated significantly, and maritime accidents steadily increased. By the later years of Tự Đức’s reign, the Nguyễn Dynasty’s fleet was no longer capable of completing the annual transportation of official grain supplies between the north and south. At the same time, China’s Qing Dynasty advanced its shipbuilding and maritime industries through the Self-Strengthening Movement, establishing the China Merchants’ Steam Navigation Company and developed large-scale shipbuilding and maritime transportation industries. Chinese private merchant and fishing vessels also maintained strong maritime transport capabilities. Under the close suzerain-vassal relationship between China and Vietnam, Vietnam was compelled to rely on Chinese official and private ships to assist with grain transport, anti-piracy operations, foreign maritime affairs, and the procurement of goods. This reliance on external support underscored the comprehensive decline of Vietnam’s maritime capabilities during the Tự Đức Era.
A Legal Critique of the Philippines’ Actions in the South China Sea in 2024
In 2024, the South China Sea’s geopolitical complexity has surged, with the China-Philippines maritime rights rivalry drawing intense global attention. This paper examines Philippine actions at Xianbin Jiao (Sabina Shoal) and Huangyan Dao (Scarborough Shoal). From China’s perspective, the Philippines has engaged in illegal beaching activities and territorial water intrusions, seriously violating China’s sovereignty and maritime rights, contrary to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), the South China Sea Declaration, and other international laws. Regarding Xianbin Jiao, China’s scientific endeavors on the reef constitute lawful exercises of sovereignty, adhering to the principle of peaceful ocean use and fulfilling obligations for environmental cooperation. Conversely, the Philippines’ conduct contravenes the Declaration and jeopardizes regional stability. As for Huangyan Dao, China’s declaration of territorial sea baselines and subsequent law enforcement actions are aligned with both international and domestic law, whereas the Philippines’ Maritime Zones Act and Archipelagic Sea Lanes Act flout international law, seeking to entrench illegitimate territorial claims through domestic legislation. China firmly upholds its territorial sovereignty and maritime rights, responding lawfully to Philippine provocations. Both nations should adhere to international law, resolving disputes through dialogue to maintain peace in the South China Sea. From an international law standpoint, this article offers in-depth analyses to enhance understanding of the China-Philippines South China Sea dispute and provides jurisprudential underpinnings for its peaceful resolution.
Depression, Anxiety, Stress, and Quality of Life Among the University Students in Macao: A Cross-Sectional Study
In the present study, we aimed to assess the mental well-being and overall quality of life of university students in Macao during the COVID-19 pandemic. A web-based cross-sectional survey using the Depression, Anxiety & Stress Scales (DASS-21) and WHO-Quality of Life (WHOQOL) self-administered online questionnaire was distributed through social media platforms and email invitations to university students from various tertiary institutions in Macao. Based on data from 381 university student (50.7% female) aged 18-25 years old, the present study demonstrated that the mental health (p < 0.001) and overall quality of life (p < 0.001) of university students decreased significantly during the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, female and senior students suffered more psychological pressure and worse quality of life than their male and junior counterparts. This original study showcases that the COVID-19 pandemic severely affected the mental well-being and overall quality of life of university students in Macao. As the present study is the first of its kind, these findings fill a gap for academic research and provide insights for the Macao higher education sector in developing policies to address psychological problems and improve quality of life of university students especially in unprecedented circumstances.
ASEAN’s Norm Subsidiarity Strategy in Shaping Regional Order in the South China Sea
In order to avoid further erosion of its own autonomy and marginalization in the shaping of the order in the South China Sea, ASEAN has actively taken the initiative to strengthen the shaping of the order in the South China Sea by resorting to the principle of norm subsidiarity. On the one hand, it has resisted negatively the U.S.-advocated norm of “freedom of navigation” through the strategy of norm indifference. On the other hand, it has resisted positively the Chinese-advocated norm of “bilateralism” through the strategy of local norm practice. ASEAN’s actions have achieved certain results in resisting the influence of great power norms, but have achieved limited results in promoting the dominant position of ASEAN norms. In the future, ASEAN needs to speed up the conclusion of a more substantive “Code of Conduct in the South China Sea” with China, strengthen internal unity and solidarity, enhance the influence of ASEAN norms, and revive ASEAN’s reputation.
The 1960s Philippine Territorial Sea Laws in Sino- Philippine Territorial Disputes: A Historical and Legal Analysis
Before the territorial disputes in the South China Sea between China and the Philippines were crystallised, the Philippines enacted two territorial sea laws in the 1960s to promote international recognition of its special status as an archipelagic state. This marked the first time since its independence in 1946 that the Philippines defined its territorial scope and territorial sea claims through legislation. In these laws, the Philippines declared the baselines and basepoint coordinates of its territorial sea without mentioning certain islands and reefs in the Spratly Islands or Scarborough Shoal. China argues that the two laws explicitly defined the territorial scope of the Philippines, excluding the Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal from the baselines and basepoints of the Philippines’ territorial sea, indicating that the Philippines did not consider these islands part of its territory at that time. According to discussions in the Philippine Congress regarding the two laws and on the basis of the precedent established by the International Court of Justice, while these laws do not explicitly address certain islands and reefs of the Spratly Islands or Scarborough Shoal and do not constitute recognition of China’ territorial sovereignty, they do, to some extent, support China’s claims. The Philippines has remained silent on this issue because a detailed discussion would undermine its position. It would also hinder its efforts to utilise the South China Sea arbitration ruling, which avoids addressing the issue of territorial sovereignty, for international propaganda.
The Legality of China’s Claim of Maritime Rights and Interests in the South China Sea: A Critique of the Award Given by the South China Sea Arbitral Tribunal
A critical analysis of the award issued by the South China Sea Arbitral Tribunal (“the Tribunal”) provides a clearer understanding of China’s claims in the South China Sea (“the SCS”) and their legitimacy. From China’s point of view, its claims in the SCS are consistent and well-defined, asserting sovereignty over the Spratly Islands as a whole. This article argues that following World War II, the SCS “dashed-line”, as depicted on China’s administrative maps, was marked as a national boundary line. This interpretation of the line was uncontested by the relevant countries for a significant period of time. The prolonged acquiescence of these countries to China’s claims in the SCS can be attributed to the dashed-line’s consideration of their interests. By disregarding Chinese administrative maps and contravening fundamental legal principles, the Tribunal relied on dubious arguments to infer the nature of the waters within the dashed-line. It henceforth concluded that China’s claims in the SCS lacked legal basis under the law of the sea. The Tribunal also forcibly divided the Spratly Islands, unilaterally determined the scope of China’s interests in the area, and rejected China’s sovereignty over certain islands within the Spratly group. It deliberately interpreted China’s 2009 reiteration of rights as the first instance of such claims, thereby negating the acquiescence of the relevant countries, and undermining the legitimacy of China’s historic rights. The bias and fallacies evident in the Tribunal’s judgment paradoxically highlight the path and methods required to substantiate and defend the legitimacy of China’s maritime rights and interests in the SCS.
Exploring the Role of Key Actors in Influencing ASEAN’s Policy Shift in the South China Sea
Since ASEAN’s formal involvement in the South China Sea, ASEAN’s policy on the South China Sea has undergone a transformation from reaching a minimum consensus to promoting political commitment among all parties to seeking strategic autonomy and the rule of law in the South China Sea. Among them, key actors (such as Indonesia and the United States) play an important role in constructing ASEAN’s position on the South China Sea in the process of maintaining and transforming its position. For example, when ASEAN was deeply divided over the South China Sea, Indonesia’s foreign minister emphasized the importance of ASEAN solidarity through interaction with other member elites, thus maintaining ASEAN’s original consensus on the South China Sea. The US ambassador to ASEAN, on the other hand, utilized ASEAN norms to successfully steer the rotating chair to expand the South China Sea issue under the regional framework. These two cases inspire China to focus on building a favorable position and discourse environment for safeguarding rights in the South China Sea through the diplomatic efforts of key actors, and to play a positive role in maintaining peace and stability in the South China Sea region together with ASEAN.
Introduction: Creating a Favourable Environment for South China Sea Issue Resolution Through International Research Cooperation
The series of articles on the South China Sea issue published in the present journal represents the interim results of the major Chinese National Social Science project entitled “Collation and Research of Documents on the South China Sea in Southeast Asia”, which I lead. Every year, the National Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences conducts open bidding across the country for key research topics that are foundational, strategic, and forward-looking in nature. This project, which I was awarded and initiated in 2021 (Project No.: 21&ZD244), is one such endeavour. The project aims to systematically sort and analyse documents related to the South China Sea issue held in Southeast Asia. It seeks to uncover the historical facts and legal foundations embedded in these materials, thereby providing a robust academic basis for an objective and comprehensive understanding of the historical background and current realities of the South China Sea dispute.
Book Review - Fang, Chuanglin and Yu, Danlin, China’s New Urbanization: Development Paths, Blueprints and Patterns
Fang, Chuanglin and Yu, Danlin, China’s New Urbanization: Development Paths, Blueprints and Patterns, Beijing: Springer and Science Press, 2016, xix + 329 pages. ISBN 978-3-662-57010-4 (softcover)
Self-rated Life Satisfaction of the Oldest-old in China: Do Intergenerational Relations Matter?
In 2010, China had a 21 million population of age 80 or over. This group of oldest-old adults deserves attention on their quality of life as long as the improvement on life expectancy is expected to continue. Thus, more and more people in China will move into this group. This paper examines the effects of intergenerational relations on the self-rated life satisfaction of the oldestold in China by using the 2012 Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey data, a total of 6,530 respondents aged 80 or over. The dependent variable is from the responses of respondents on how do they rate their life. Various socio-demographic and health variables are included in the model as controlled variables. Intergenerational relations variables include living arrangement, family interactions and intergenerational transfer. Results from the SPSS GENLIN ordinal regression model showed that living arrangements and intergenerational transfers were statistically significant in affecting the self-rated life satisfaction after controlling for socio-demographic and health variables, while family interactions in terms of visited and/or contacted by children was not significant. The feeling of being cared for among those who lived with family members and interdependence between generations have a positive effect on self-rated life satisfaction. The traditional role of family in supporting the older persons continued to be an important contributor to the self-rated life satisfaction. With the exodus of the young to the cities, family care and support are likely to be eroding in the future. Hence, there is a need to enhance community support for the oldest-old .
Are China’s Service Exports Accurately Measured? Implications of an Alternative Measurement Approach
As economic development advances, a country’s service sector grows. With globalization, this growth is often accompanied by the growth of trade in services. China is a good example. After three decades of spectacular economic advance, its service trade is now one of the world’s largest, but so is its service trade deficit. How did this come about, given China’s competitive strength in the export of goods? Second, is this deficit a statistical anomaly, i.e. with China participating in global supply chains, how well do gross exports reflect the true value of China’s service exports? Third, what is the real competitiveness of China’s service exports? This study examines these questions by first reviewing the structure and trends in China’s service trade using official statistics. It then re-estimates these exports using the “forward linkage value-added method” to compare with gross exports. The third question is addressed by calculating revealed comparative advantage (RCA) indexes based on gross as well as value-added service exports. Using 2000-2014 data, the results show that no matter which method is applied, China’s service exports have weak comparative advantage but rising RCAs show China’s competitive situation improving. Also, gross export values overestimate the RCA compared to value-added values. A number of policy implications arise from these findings.
The Quotidian Concern and Racial Belonging of Brazilian Chinese: A Study of BrasilCN.com
Benedict Anderson regards nation as a socially constructed “imagined community.” The imaginative nature of the nation implies the possibility of shifting personal belonging to a geographically identified area from reality to a virtual network shared by the people who hold the same selfidentification. The development of websites that serve Chinese diaspora reinforces the overseas Chinese’s emotional and epistemological connection to mainland China. By analyzing BrasilCN.com 巴西華人網, which is the first Chinese-language website that has offered news, quotidian information and forum communication to Brazilian Chinese since 2009, this research paper will structurally reveal how its selected provision of knowledge related to China and its forum platform for group conversation deliver a sense of racial support that differentiates the users from local Brazilians. It holds an argument that the intersectionality of the identity of Brazilian Chinese causes the hybridity of the content of BrazilCN.com and creates a demand for connecting between two sides, instead of solely solving daily problems of living in Brazil or reminiscent problems of being physically isolated from China. The posted information reveals that the users’ requests related to Brazil and China are imbalanced. There are tensions between localization and cultural estrangement.
In Praise of China: China in the Eyes of Pakistani Diplomats
This article reviews the writings on China by four former ambassadors of Pakistan, three of them ambassadors to China. Their writings display a remarkably positive image of China. Although written usually after retirement of their diplomatic service, their views of China have long been shaped when they were in the service. In this sense, these writings portrayed, and indicated, at least among a section of the professional diplomatic corps of Pakistan, how Pakistani elite understand China. In turn, this also reflects, at a wider level, the positive discourse on China among the influential opinion makers in Pakistan. This article adopts the constructivist approach, which gives theoretical importance to ideational factors in the understanding of a country’s foreign policy. Pakistan’s China policy, while on the one hand driven by realist and geopolitical factors, is also shaped by a positive discourse on China, in which this article examines through the writings of several former diplomats of Pakistan.
21st Century U.S. Policy on an Emergent China: From Strategic Constrainment to Strategic Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region
During his second term as U.S. president, former President Barack Obama made the Asia-Pacific region the focal point of American strategic attention. In November 2011, he announced the U.S. pivot to Asia. His goal was to constrain China from easing out the U.S. as East Asia’s strategic offshore balancer. Contrary to expectations, the 2016 election of Donald Trump, did not spell the end of the strategic rebalancing to Asia. For the Trump Administration, the Asia-Pacific remains a top security priority because of China’s naval expansion, island-building activities, and militarization efforts in the South China Sea threaten not only the freedom of navigation but also the rules-based international order. Consequently, the Trump Administration has directed the U.S. military to proceed with the rebalancing of its forces and their capabilities to the Asia-Pacific region. This decision indicates that, despite its initial opposition to the rebalancing policy to Asia, the current administration believes that on the basis of geography, interests and values, the U.S. is a Pacific power which plays an important role in shaping the future of this dynamic region. This is because the Trump Administration has engaged China in a strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In conclusion, this article warns that the Trump Administration`s policy of engaging China in a strategic competition will set back the hands of time to the U.S.-Sino conflict in the early years of the Cold War, when American and Chinese values, interests and polices were simply adversarial without any convergence. However, this 21st Sino-U.S. competition is different because both countries’ materiel/technological capabilities and global reach are considerably greater than they were in the 1950s.
Book Review - Daniel Drache, A.T. Kingsmith and Duan Qi, One Road, Many Dreams: China’s Bold Plan to Remake the Global Economy
Daniel Drache, A.T. Kingsmith and Duan Qi, One Road, Many Dreams: China’s Bold Plan to Remake the Global Economy, London: Bloomsbury China, 2019; xii + 258 pages with bibliography and index. ISBN 978-9123-9204-9 (Hardcover)